Saturday, February 29, 2020
A Critical Exploration Of The Increasing Fragmentation Of Policing
But this trend should not come as a surprise considering that publicly funded agencies that grew during the 19th century did not really eradicate the involvement of the private sectors in policing (Ericson Kevin 1997). With the shift to private policing, investors in the security industries have seen their earnings steadily increase. This trend has stimulated a growing interest in contemporary international politics and has become the focus of widespread journalistic coverage. Some view the increasing fragmentation of policing as governmentââ¬â¢s failure to providing the most basic needs, security. As pointed out by Garland (2001), the pervasiveness of private firms is an indication of the impotence of governments in addressing the most basic demands. The increasing trend of outsourcing security tasks marks the stateââ¬â¢s retreat towards a more coordinating role rather than a providing role As Button states: the increasing privatization of policing has eroded one of the founding myths of modern societies: ââ¬Ëthe myth that the sovereign state is capable of providing security, law and order, and crime control within its territorial boundariesââ¬â¢ (Button 2012, p.22). Whereas privatization of policing may indicated statesââ¬â¢ failure in providing fundamental security services to its citizens, this is not necessarily true.. It does not necessarily mean that the state is dying but rather diversifying and developing. Several key questions arise when debating on this topic. Why the increase in fragmentation of policingwhat are the implications of such trends in terms of democratic legitimacy, effectiveness and equityIn the midst of the far-reaching transformation, how best can the multiplicity of institutional reforms involved in policing be governed? This paper addresses these questions with evidence drawn from various perspectivesfrom various perspectives. it The paper provides an adequate account for the shifting structures of security, providing an explanation for the increasing fragmentation and debating the extent to which it privatization of policing has occurred. In order to understand the trend towards private policing and the reasons for the increasing fragmentation, it is important to first explore the historical development. Since it is beyond the scope of this paper to examine the 1st world war and the 2nd world war more in depth, the paper will briefly touch on some of the important transformations. depth the post-conflict proliferation of the 1st and 2nd World Wars, it will briefly touch on some important developments that led to the rise of private security industry. Historical context The involvement of thee private secto in crime control and prevention can be traced back to the cold war. During the cold war, the private military sector provided services ranging from logistics to direct combat (Cusumano 2010). A prime example is the US firm Vinnel which was contracted to train Saudi Arabian National Guard in 1977. Other private security actors military sectors involved in military assistance during the cold war period include the British Watchguard, Gurkha Security Guards, KMS, Saladin and DSL(Cusumano 2010). Whilst the growing trend towards privatization of policing is not a new phenomenonIt is clear that th involvement in security tasks is not a new phenomenon and has been there since the cold war period. However the transformations that followed after the cold war triggered the tectonic change and lead to the increasing in fragmentation of policing. First, there was massive downsizing with most of the armies which created a market for military assistance (Lock 199). With the demise of the cold war, the losing parties saw their military personnel transfer to other theartres. Having lost in both wars, Germany became the major source of private proliferation. The transformation that took place with most of the armies increased the demand for external contractors. Th, Second, the strain on human resources and the increase in emphasis on specialization led to outsourcing of functions other than direct combat, such as foreign military training. This is evident with the planned gradual privatization of activities other than combat by the US Department of Defense in 2001 (Cusumano 2012). Neoliberal reforms Apart from transformations that took place during othe post-cold war period, this trend was further reinforced by the rise of neoliberals. The emergence of neo-liberal ideas that emphasized on the importance of fragmentation of power has played a key role in this trend. This perspective is in line with Focaultââ¬â¢s concept of dispersion of power. Neoliberal ideas such as outsourcing, privatization and public private partnerships that were aimed at streamlining bereacracies played a key role towards this trend. The rise of neoliberalism during the late 1970s led to the Outsourcing, privatization and public private partnerships that were formed during the late 1970s to streamline bureaucracies resulted in the shift from the state-centered hierarchical structures towards the more diverse horizontal structures (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). Neoliberal reforms aimed at limiting the power of the state by finding means of rendering them accountable (Button2012). These new arrangements empowered private actors to increase their involvement in security provision. In this regard, he rein of power can be said to have been taken over by the private sector appears to have been taken over by private corporations. As emphasis was placed on conflict settlement that goes beyond the state, this led to the widening of police infrastructure to include private bodies. In many states, public policing underwent major neoliberal reforms. Hybrid public-private structures were developed across many countries driven by the neoliberal ideology. However, the idea of diminishing power of the state As the upsurge of private security companies has led to the expansion of the state rather than the ââ¬Ërolling back of the stateââ¬â¢.The impact of this upsurge in private security has been the expansion of the state rather than ââ¬Ërolling back of the stateââ¬â¢. The increase in fragmentation and privatization has extended the state apparatus of criminal justice and strengthened the institutional architecture of crime control rather than diminishing or reducing the powers of the state (Steden Sarre 2007). Privatization revolution The increasing fragmentation can also be said to have been driven by the ideological shift brought about by the ââ¬Ëprivatization revolutionââ¬â¢. This is related to the emergence of ââ¬Ë mass private propertyââ¬â¢ where workplaces, leisure facilities, shopping malls and many other places are manned by private security guards. Whereas these places may be open to the public, in reality, they are private spaces. This seem to have has contributed to the growth of private security to the extent that private firms have mimicked nation states, a form of ( Button 2012). ââ¬ËMarketizationââ¬â¢ or ââ¬Ëcommodification of policing The trend has further been reinforced byââ¬Ëcommodificationââ¬â¢ of security which has resulted due to increased public demands that the police have not been able to satisfy. the involvement of the private sector in security provision has been seen as private is an appropriate means for dealing with the growing lawlessness and crimes. Rising cases of impunity across the globe have increased the demands for private security. Sierra leone is a prime example. Despite its small size, it is known globally a paradigm case of security privatization. The highly publicized activities of private security firms such as Sandline International and Executive Outcomes have made this small sized country globally recognized as the target of transnational security firms. Of course, this resulted due to the intense conflict in the country and presence of numerous rebel armies and civil defense militias. has conflict and the numerous rebel armies and civil defense militias in the country. The increasing demand for security across the globe has no doubt led to this momentous growth. Unrest and violence across various parts of the world including Syria, Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan have further strengthened the need to have these transnational security companies. Some of the well-known examples of these transnational firms are the Securitas Group and Group 4 securicor which have developed their operations in more than 100 countries (Musa Kayode 2000). Group 4 Securicor officers are currently providing protection to US troops in Kosovo. Minimize public costs Perhaps a most crucial factor that has played a central role towards this trend is the need to cut public costs. Given the rising cost of training and maintaining standing armies, many states have sought more cost effective ways of policing such as outsourcing security tasks to private sectors. (Krahmann 2002). Expertise of the private sector A more convincing argument for the proliferation of private security firms is related to expertise. The expansion can be attributed to the increasing emphasis on specialization of personnel. That is, the states have felt it necessary to outsource other security functions other than combat such as military training. It is a fact that success in military operations today is dependent on the state of the art technology. But most of the public military personnel do not have the necessary training for use of sophisticated technology. For example, the US relies on private military firms in using and maintaining sophisticated techology such as the Global Hawk unmanned aircrafts and the Predator (Tzifakis 2012). Private firms have an advantage in terms of their expertise especially given their practice of hiring regional expertise. ontrary to the above view, private security companies have come under immense criticism for their low standards of professionalism. Despite their high profile in forensic accountancy and expertise in several areas such as manning of aircrafts, the most dominant view has been that of an industry filled with corrupt, amoral, and incompetent employees (Steden Sarre 2007). This is evident with most of the studies conducted in North America which portray private security guards as poorly educated, marginally paid and hastily trained figures with dubious characters (Prenzer 2004, and livingstone Hart 2003) Risk-based thinking and global assemblages The increasing fragmentation of policing can also be said to have resulted due to risk based thinking and global assemblageswhere global security actors are integrated in the provision of security. Paradigm cases of global security assemblage can be seen in Nigeria and Siera leone. In Sierra Leone, private security firms have used their material resources including technical expertise to wield significant influences within global security assemblages. For example, in the case of Diamond minning by Koidu Holdings, PSCs especially Securicor Gray have used their capabilities and material resources to exert their influence onwield significant impact on the choice of security strategies (Abrahamsen Williams 2006). Similarly, global assemblages and risk based thinking appear to have contributed to the rise of private policing in Nigeria which is estimated to have between 1500 and 2000 private security companies (Keku Akingbade 2003). A good example of the global security assemblage in Nigeria is the contract between Group4Securicor and Chevron Nigeria Ltd (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). Through this contract, Group4Securicor replaced most of the local security companies that provided manned guarding together with the police. Whilst this private company was mandated to guard the CNL headquarters, the operational base in Escravos and the two logistical bases in Warri and Port Harcourt; it has used its material resources and legitimacy to expand its mandate beyond guarding these areas. Geographical fragmentation A further probable reason for the increasing fragmentation of policing is the geographical fragmentation. This has led to the shift from government to governance within the transatlantic community (Krahman 2002, p. 23). Two developments are linked to this geographical transformation: progressive replacement of nation state and shift towards regional and global governance; and a shift towards private security actors. The shift towards regional and global governance can be seen with the geographical expansion of the EU and the NATO (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). While the sideway shift to privatization of security functions can be seen with the proliferation of various private security firms. Growing awareness of importance of private sector in global governance Finally, the trend has been reinforced by the growing awareness of importance of the private sector in global governance. In fact, a with Global Compact Initiative has been established to create partnership between the UN and private sector on human rights issues. , Kofi-Annan, the former secretary to the UN, once contemplated the possibility of the using private security firms in peacekeeping missions both in the provision of logistics and military combat (Abrahamsen Willliams 2007). Today, we have many private agencies providing military assistance to the UN, Nato and even African Union peacekeeping missions. Whilst th idea of a private police established to achieve accountability of public police may sound realistic, there is little persuasive evidence regarding the effectiveness of the private institutions in performing this role. In fact, it is case that the private sector is largely unaccountable. In theory, it is stated that both the public and private police are accountable through the criminal law of their actions. However, there is no persuasive proof to support this claim in practice. Notorious examples can be seen with the recent events which Some of the recent infamous events that unfolded in California. This indicates indicatinghow how difficult it is to convict public police offenders (Stenning 1994). Fragmentation and privatization of policing a global phenomenon The trend towards private policing is clearly evident across the globe. For example, in Russia, there has been an explosive growth in private security personnel since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Whilst statistics indicate that Russia had almost 200,000 licensed private personnel in 1999, the the actual number is has been estimated to exceed 850,000 (Steden Sarre 2007). Similarly, A similar trend can be seen in Bulgaria which currently has about 130,000 personnel employed in private security sector in sharp contrast to 28,000 state police officers (Steden Sarre 2007). A similar trend can be seen with emerginerging economies of Asia. India has also echo the trend with over 5 million private security personnel, a figure that i exceeds the police, army, air force and the navy put together. In China, private guards are forecast to grow from the current 3 million to 5 million in the coming years. Not only is this trend evident in the Middle East and growing economies of Asia, but also across the US and the UK and in most Latin American countries. The US employs approximately 1.5 and 2 million private security personnel, outnumbering the public police by almost three to one (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). Similarly, the private security personnel in the UK outnumber the state police by a ratio of two to one. This growth is also reflected in the Latin American countries, African countries and even across Central and Eastern Europe. The resurgence is clearly evident across the world as countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic continue to witness growth of private policing witnessing growth in this sector. Almost all countries now have their private security personnel exceeding the police number. A further trend that has been observed and has perhaps been under-theorized or under-evaluated is the increasing emergence of transnational policing. Besides privatization of policing, there has been an expansion in cooperation between member states in areas of policing (Button 2012). Traditional forms of cooperation based on distribution of information through bodies such as the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol) have now been transcended by organizations such as the European Criminal Police Office (Europol) (Button 2012, p. 25). In addition, there has been an increase in information sharing and the exportation of ideas among private security firms. For example, corporations such as Corrections of America and Wakenhut exportation have exported their ideas to the UK and Australia (Steden Sarre 2007). However, in some countries, private policing is still at its infancy. For example,In n Greece, the ratio between the private and public security personnel remains relatively small. This can be attributed to the security market that barely existed in Greece until the late 1990s when legislation that mandated some of the key requirements for a licensed security firm was passed (Steden Sarre 2007). Other countries with a relatively low private security to police ratio include Italy, Portugal, Malta, Cyprus and Spain. Most of these countries still make more use of the police officers than private security guards. Nonetheless, the momentous growth of private policing is inevitable and is occurring across the globe. Concerns/controversies over private policing Traditionally, the state has been seen as a monopoly in crime prevention and control (Button 2012). However, evidence has emerged that have raised questions regarding the stateââ¬â¢s monopoly in policing. Evidence have pointed to the increasing ââ¬Ëpluralizationââ¬â¢ or ââ¬Ëfragmentationââ¬â¢ of policing as seen with the increasing involvement of the private sector and voluntary organizations in crime prevention and control. This raises key questions such as: does the state still have a monopoly in policing given the increasing fragmentationOr rather it can be questioned: did it ever have a monopoly given that the fragmentation in policing is not a new phenomenonThe only thing that is new is the increasing fragmentation and the expansion of private security. Whilst the pervasiveness of these private firms may signal the stateââ¬â¢s failure in addressing the most basic demands for security, it should not be viewed as weakening of the stateââ¬â¢s role. It does not necessarily mean that the state is dying but rather diversifying and developing. Encouraging private personnel to become more involved in crime control is to support the stateââ¬â¢s activities by allowing these individuals to become auxiliaries of the state as opposed to becoming rivals (Sarre 2002). Of course, there are concerns with this trend of privatization of policing with the greatest dangers being the subversion of public interests into profit maximization. Another concern relates to the fact that privatization results in more unequal access to protection and security with differential treatment in the provision of security services to the rich and the poor (Stenning 1994). A further danger is that private policing may lead to the erosion of the cherished notions of liberty, human dignity and privacy which may eventually results in an intolerably controlled and regulated society It is clear that the stateââ¬â¢s role is changing. The increasing fragmentation of policing is evidence of a new social world where governance is no longer monopolized by the states, but rather one in which the rein of power is taken over by the private sector. there is a dispersion of power more to the private sector. The hope of many is for governance to be controlled by the local communities. However, the reality is the emergence of a pervasive and intrusive corporate governance where in capital interests become the priority and are more pursued than that the interests of the local communities (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2007). Further, there is the it is the possibility that the state might slowly wither away and that the proliferation of private security firms may pose threat to the stateââ¬â¢s sovereignty. Other problems relate to issues such as the lack of transparency and accountability and political control over the operations of these private firms. The fundamental goal of outsourcing such service is obviously to protect the citizens from harm and against human rights violations. Whereas the outsourcing of security services to private firms is justifiable, it may be subject to violent manipulations. One variant to this manipulation can arise through coercion towards prospective clients by the private security firms with the aim manipulating them to buy into their services. Another maipulation can arise where these firms invite others to commit crime in order to increase demand for their protection. There is a possibility that the private security may also end up creating ââ¬Ësecurity enclavesââ¬â¢ as their availability in the open market allows the wealthy and ruling elites to buy more of their services than the less-priviledged counterparts hence running counter to the social bonds considered essential to security (Karsent Volker 2000). In fact, the so called ââ¬Ësecurity enclavesââ¬â¢ have emerged in the US. This is a clarion call to pay attention to isssues of accountability for attention to paid more on control and accountability especially given the increasing fragmentation and privatization. But, as argued by Les Johnston (1992), some of these concerns are not unique and do not constitute compelling arguments against private policing. For example, the concern over the subversion of public interests into profit maximization is not unique. This concern is also evident with the public police where corruption and political interests have led to public disservice. Criticism of erosion of stateââ¬â¢s sovereignty might not necessarily be true as the private security sectors have often acted under the governmentââ¬â¢s control. For example, Siera Leone is far from entirely private as the government still plays a key role by integrating public forces and setting the legal framework. Future of private security market Nonetheless, there is a clear momentous growth of the private security sector. The massive growth is evidence of expansion of this type of market. In fact, the industryââ¬â¢s global turnover was maintained during the recessionary period indicating the high demand for this type of service across the globe. In 2007, the global security service market was valued at $136 billion and in 2009, it was estimated at $152 billion (Steden Sarre 2007). The future for private security firms seems promising given the increasing demand of security services driven by the rise upsurge in conflicts, war and human right violations across various sectors of the globe. The commercial private security market is currently estimated to be $165 billion and is forecast to grow at a rate of 18% per anum into the foreseeable future. Despite the recent decision made by the US DoD to reduce reliance on support service contractors to pre-9/11 levels, the global market for private security services is anticipated to continue to grow to reach $218.4 billon in 2015 (Tzifakis 2012). However, much of this growth would be mainly concentrated in the emerging economies. What was once a ââ¬Å"quiet revolutionâ⬠has grown in size and demand to become a global actor in in the provision of security services. Conclusion There is no doubt that the privatization of policing has become a reality. This is evident with the proliferation of private security actors across the globe with activities that range from manned guarding to surveillance and risk analysis to even military combat. The increasing fragmentation has clearly been triggered by several key developments: the emergence of neoliberal ideas; second the increasing commodification of security; third, the global assemblages and risk based thinking; fourth, the transformations that took place during the post-cold war period, and the fourth, emergence of the ââ¬Å"privatization revolutionâ⬠. lso, the increased emphasis on specialization of personnel, the geographical fragmentation and the increasing recognition of the role of private sector in global governance have no doubt played a significant role towards this trend. All these processes have been central to the growing fragmentation and globalization of private security. However, these changes have fueled controversies. On the one hand, it has helped secure the transition to democracy by providing for a stronger presence of security forces in states under threat of instability. On the other hand, it has had exclusionary effects by increasing the division between the rich and the poor which in the long-run can be detrimental to its legitimacy. Other concerns highlighted include the subversion of public interests into profit maximization; erosion of cherished notions of liberty, human dignity and privacy; and threat to stateââ¬â¢s sovereignty. In the midst of these changes, states have a greater role to play. With development of more diverse forms of policing, governments have the central responsibility of coordinating and regulating all policing activities, both in the private and public agencies. Government must serve as a central anchor point ensuring multi-agency networking and efficacy, equity and accountability of all agencies, both private and public. Accountability can perhaps be achieved by bringing all the policing practices under the control of democratic institutions such as citizen boards, commissions and ââ¬Ëwatchdogsââ¬â¢ at the local, national, provincial and regional levels. This would ensure equity, efficacy, legitimacy and accountable of all security actors. Reference Abrahamsen, R. and Williams, M., 2009. Security beyond the state: global security assemblages in international politics. International Political Sociology, vol. 3, pp. 1-17 Abrahamsen, R. and Willliams, M.C., 2007. Securing the city: private security companies and non-state authority in global governance International Relations 21(2): 237ââ¬â153 Abrahamsen, R and Michael C., 2006. Security Sector Reform: Bringing the Private In. Africa: Whither the African State. In: Private Security in Africa, edited by S. Gumedze. Pretoria:Institute of Security Studies, pp. 17ââ¬â38 Adams, T.K., 1999. ââ¬ËThe New Mercenaries and the Privatization of Conflictââ¬â¢, Parameters, Summer, pp.103-116. Ericson, R.V. and Kevin D. H., 1997. Policing the Risk Society. Toronto: University of Toronto Press Foucault, M., 1991. ââ¬ËGovernmentalityââ¬â¢, In: Burchell, G., Gordon., C and Miller, P. (eds) The foucault effect: studies in governmentality. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Garland, D., 2001. The Culture of Control. Oxford: Oxford University Press Golsby, M., 1998. Police and private security working together in a co-operative approach to crime prevention and public safety. SRM Australia Pty Ltd Kamensy, J.M., and Thomas J. B., 2004. Collaboration: Using Networks and Partnerships. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Little?eld. Karsent, R. and Volker, S., (Eds.), 2000. Private Organizations in Global Politics. Keku, P. and Akingbade, T., 2003. Industrial Security in Nigeria. Lagos: Authorhouse. Krahmann, E., 2002. Private firms and the new security governance. USA, Cambridge University Press Livingstone, K. and Hart, J., 2003. The wrong arm of the lawPublic images of private security. Policing and Society, vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 159-170 Lock., P., 1999. Africa, military downsizing and the growth in the security industry., Issues in Science and Technology. London: Routledge. Manning, P.K., 2006. The United States of America. In Plural Policing. A Comparative Perspective,. London: Routledge, pp. 98ââ¬â125. Musah, A. and Kayode, F., 2000. Mercenaries: An African Security Dilemma. London: Pluto. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S.J., 2007. Weak States and the Growth of the Private Security Sector in Con?ict, Security and Development 6(1): 1ââ¬â23 Prenzler, T., 2004. The privatization of policing. In Sarre, R and Tomaino, J., (eds) Key issues in criminal justice. Adelaide: Australian Humanities Press, pp.267-296 Sarre, R., 2002. Private police: the future of policing and the broader regulatory framework. University of South Australia Steden, R. and Sarre, R., 2007. The growth of private security: trends in the European Union. Security Journal, vol. 20, pp. 222-235 Stenning, P., 1994. Private policing-some recent myths, developments and trends. {viewed on 14th December 2013} available from http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/proceedings/23/stenning.pdf A Critical Exploration Of The Increasing Fragmentation Of Policing But this trend should not come as a surprise considering that publicly funded agencies that grew during the 19th century did not really eradicate the involvement of the private sectors in policing (Ericson Kevin 1997). With the shift to private policing, investors in the security industries have seen their earnings steadily increase. This trend has stimulated a growing interest in contemporary international politics and has become the focus of widespread journalistic coverage. Some view the increasing fragmentation of policing as governmentââ¬â¢s failure to providing the most basic needs, security. As pointed out by Garland (2001), the pervasiveness of private firms is an indication of the impotence of governments in addressing the most basic demands. The increasing trend of outsourcing security tasks marks the stateââ¬â¢s retreat towards a more coordinating role rather than a providing role As Button states: the increasing privatization of policing has eroded one of the founding myths of modern societies: ââ¬Ëthe myth that the sovereign state is capable of providing security, law and order, and crime control within its territorial boundariesââ¬â¢ (Button 2012, p.22). Whereas privatization of policing may indicated statesââ¬â¢ failure in providing fundamental security services to its citizens, this is not necessarily true.. It does not necessarily mean that the state is dying but rather diversifying and developing. Several key questions arise when debating on this topic. Why the increase in fragmentation of policingwhat are the implications of such trends in terms of democratic legitimacy, effectiveness and equityIn the midst of the far-reaching transformation, how best can the multiplicity of institutional reforms involved in policing be governed? This paper addresses these questions with evidence drawn from various perspectivesfrom various perspectives. it The paper provides an adequate account for the shifting structures of security, providing an explanation for the increasing fragmentation and debating the extent to which it privatization of policing has occurred. In order to understand the trend towards private policing and the reasons for the increasing fragmentation, it is important to first explore the historical development. Since it is beyond the scope of this paper to examine the 1st world war and the 2nd world war more in depth, the paper will briefly touch on some of the important transformations. depth the post-conflict proliferation of the 1st and 2nd World Wars, it will briefly touch on some important developments that led to the rise of private security industry. Historical context The involvement of thee private secto in crime control and prevention can be traced back to the cold war. During the cold war, the private military sector provided services ranging from logistics to direct combat (Cusumano 2010). A prime example is the US firm Vinnel which was contracted to train Saudi Arabian National Guard in 1977. Other private security actors military sectors involved in military assistance during the cold war period include the British Watchguard, Gurkha Security Guards, KMS, Saladin and DSL(Cusumano 2010). Whilst the growing trend towards privatization of policing is not a new phenomenonIt is clear that th involvement in security tasks is not a new phenomenon and has been there since the cold war period. However the transformations that followed after the cold war triggered the tectonic change and lead to the increasing in fragmentation of policing. First, there was massive downsizing with most of the armies which created a market for military assistance (Lock 199). With the demise of the cold war, the losing parties saw their military personnel transfer to other theartres. Having lost in both wars, Germany became the major source of private proliferation. The transformation that took place with most of the armies increased the demand for external contractors. Th, Second, the strain on human resources and the increase in emphasis on specialization led to outsourcing of functions other than direct combat, such as foreign military training. This is evident with the planned gradual privatization of activities other than combat by the US Department of Defense in 2001 (Cusumano 2012). Neoliberal reforms Apart from transformations that took place during othe post-cold war period, this trend was further reinforced by the rise of neoliberals. The emergence of neo-liberal ideas that emphasized on the importance of fragmentation of power has played a key role in this trend. This perspective is in line with Focaultââ¬â¢s concept of dispersion of power. Neoliberal ideas such as outsourcing, privatization and public private partnerships that were aimed at streamlining bereacracies played a key role towards this trend. The rise of neoliberalism during the late 1970s led to the Outsourcing, privatization and public private partnerships that were formed during the late 1970s to streamline bureaucracies resulted in the shift from the state-centered hierarchical structures towards the more diverse horizontal structures (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). Neoliberal reforms aimed at limiting the power of the state by finding means of rendering them accountable (Button2012). These new arrangements empowered private actors to increase their involvement in security provision. In this regard, he rein of power can be said to have been taken over by the private sector appears to have been taken over by private corporations. As emphasis was placed on conflict settlement that goes beyond the state, this led to the widening of police infrastructure to include private bodies. In many states, public policing underwent major neoliberal reforms. Hybrid public-private structures were developed across many countries driven by the neoliberal ideology. However, the idea of diminishing power of the state As the upsurge of private security companies has led to the expansion of the state rather than the ââ¬Ërolling back of the stateââ¬â¢.The impact of this upsurge in private security has been the expansion of the state rather than ââ¬Ërolling back of the stateââ¬â¢. The increase in fragmentation and privatization has extended the state apparatus of criminal justice and strengthened the institutional architecture of crime control rather than diminishing or reducing the powers of the state (Steden Sarre 2007). Privatization revolution The increasing fragmentation can also be said to have been driven by the ideological shift brought about by the ââ¬Ëprivatization revolutionââ¬â¢. This is related to the emergence of ââ¬Ë mass private propertyââ¬â¢ where workplaces, leisure facilities, shopping malls and many other places are manned by private security guards. Whereas these places may be open to the public, in reality, they are private spaces. This seem to have has contributed to the growth of private security to the extent that private firms have mimicked nation states, a form of ( Button 2012). ââ¬ËMarketizationââ¬â¢ or ââ¬Ëcommodification of policing The trend has further been reinforced byââ¬Ëcommodificationââ¬â¢ of security which has resulted due to increased public demands that the police have not been able to satisfy. the involvement of the private sector in security provision has been seen as private is an appropriate means for dealing with the growing lawlessness and crimes. Rising cases of impunity across the globe have increased the demands for private security. Sierra leone is a prime example. Despite its small size, it is known globally a paradigm case of security privatization. The highly publicized activities of private security firms such as Sandline International and Executive Outcomes have made this small sized country globally recognized as the target of transnational security firms. Of course, this resulted due to the intense conflict in the country and presence of numerous rebel armies and civil defense militias. has conflict and the numerous rebel armies and civil defense militias in the country. The increasing demand for security across the globe has no doubt led to this momentous growth. Unrest and violence across various parts of the world including Syria, Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan have further strengthened the need to have these transnational security companies. Some of the well-known examples of these transnational firms are the Securitas Group and Group 4 securicor which have developed their operations in more than 100 countries (Musa Kayode 2000). Group 4 Securicor officers are currently providing protection to US troops in Kosovo. Minimize public costs Perhaps a most crucial factor that has played a central role towards this trend is the need to cut public costs. Given the rising cost of training and maintaining standing armies, many states have sought more cost effective ways of policing such as outsourcing security tasks to private sectors. (Krahmann 2002). Expertise of the private sector A more convincing argument for the proliferation of private security firms is related to expertise. The expansion can be attributed to the increasing emphasis on specialization of personnel. That is, the states have felt it necessary to outsource other security functions other than combat such as military training. It is a fact that success in military operations today is dependent on the state of the art technology. But most of the public military personnel do not have the necessary training for use of sophisticated technology. For example, the US relies on private military firms in using and maintaining sophisticated techology such as the Global Hawk unmanned aircrafts and the Predator (Tzifakis 2012). Private firms have an advantage in terms of their expertise especially given their practice of hiring regional expertise. ontrary to the above view, private security companies have come under immense criticism for their low standards of professionalism. Despite their high profile in forensic accountancy and expertise in several areas such as manning of aircrafts, the most dominant view has been that of an industry filled with corrupt, amoral, and incompetent employees (Steden Sarre 2007). This is evident with most of the studies conducted in North America which portray private security guards as poorly educated, marginally paid and hastily trained figures with dubious characters (Prenzer 2004, and livingstone Hart 2003) Risk-based thinking and global assemblages The increasing fragmentation of policing can also be said to have resulted due to risk based thinking and global assemblageswhere global security actors are integrated in the provision of security. Paradigm cases of global security assemblage can be seen in Nigeria and Siera leone. In Sierra Leone, private security firms have used their material resources including technical expertise to wield significant influences within global security assemblages. For example, in the case of Diamond minning by Koidu Holdings, PSCs especially Securicor Gray have used their capabilities and material resources to exert their influence onwield significant impact on the choice of security strategies (Abrahamsen Williams 2006). Similarly, global assemblages and risk based thinking appear to have contributed to the rise of private policing in Nigeria which is estimated to have between 1500 and 2000 private security companies (Keku Akingbade 2003). A good example of the global security assemblage in Nigeria is the contract between Group4Securicor and Chevron Nigeria Ltd (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). Through this contract, Group4Securicor replaced most of the local security companies that provided manned guarding together with the police. Whilst this private company was mandated to guard the CNL headquarters, the operational base in Escravos and the two logistical bases in Warri and Port Harcourt; it has used its material resources and legitimacy to expand its mandate beyond guarding these areas. Geographical fragmentation A further probable reason for the increasing fragmentation of policing is the geographical fragmentation. This has led to the shift from government to governance within the transatlantic community (Krahman 2002, p. 23). Two developments are linked to this geographical transformation: progressive replacement of nation state and shift towards regional and global governance; and a shift towards private security actors. The shift towards regional and global governance can be seen with the geographical expansion of the EU and the NATO (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). While the sideway shift to privatization of security functions can be seen with the proliferation of various private security firms. Growing awareness of importance of private sector in global governance Finally, the trend has been reinforced by the growing awareness of importance of the private sector in global governance. In fact, a with Global Compact Initiative has been established to create partnership between the UN and private sector on human rights issues. , Kofi-Annan, the former secretary to the UN, once contemplated the possibility of the using private security firms in peacekeeping missions both in the provision of logistics and military combat (Abrahamsen Willliams 2007). Today, we have many private agencies providing military assistance to the UN, Nato and even African Union peacekeeping missions. Whilst th idea of a private police established to achieve accountability of public police may sound realistic, there is little persuasive evidence regarding the effectiveness of the private institutions in performing this role. In fact, it is case that the private sector is largely unaccountable. In theory, it is stated that both the public and private police are accountable through the criminal law of their actions. However, there is no persuasive proof to support this claim in practice. Notorious examples can be seen with the recent events which Some of the recent infamous events that unfolded in California. This indicates indicatinghow how difficult it is to convict public police offenders (Stenning 1994). Fragmentation and privatization of policing a global phenomenon The trend towards private policing is clearly evident across the globe. For example, in Russia, there has been an explosive growth in private security personnel since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Whilst statistics indicate that Russia had almost 200,000 licensed private personnel in 1999, the the actual number is has been estimated to exceed 850,000 (Steden Sarre 2007). Similarly, A similar trend can be seen in Bulgaria which currently has about 130,000 personnel employed in private security sector in sharp contrast to 28,000 state police officers (Steden Sarre 2007). A similar trend can be seen with emerginerging economies of Asia. India has also echo the trend with over 5 million private security personnel, a figure that i exceeds the police, army, air force and the navy put together. In China, private guards are forecast to grow from the current 3 million to 5 million in the coming years. Not only is this trend evident in the Middle East and growing economies of Asia, but also across the US and the UK and in most Latin American countries. The US employs approximately 1.5 and 2 million private security personnel, outnumbering the public police by almost three to one (Abrahamsen Williams 2009). Similarly, the private security personnel in the UK outnumber the state police by a ratio of two to one. This growth is also reflected in the Latin American countries, African countries and even across Central and Eastern Europe. The resurgence is clearly evident across the world as countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic continue to witness growth of private policing witnessing growth in this sector. Almost all countries now have their private security personnel exceeding the police number. A further trend that has been observed and has perhaps been under-theorized or under-evaluated is the increasing emergence of transnational policing. Besides privatization of policing, there has been an expansion in cooperation between member states in areas of policing (Button 2012). Traditional forms of cooperation based on distribution of information through bodies such as the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol) have now been transcended by organizations such as the European Criminal Police Office (Europol) (Button 2012, p. 25). In addition, there has been an increase in information sharing and the exportation of ideas among private security firms. For example, corporations such as Corrections of America and Wakenhut exportation have exported their ideas to the UK and Australia (Steden Sarre 2007). However, in some countries, private policing is still at its infancy. For example,In n Greece, the ratio between the private and public security personnel remains relatively small. This can be attributed to the security market that barely existed in Greece until the late 1990s when legislation that mandated some of the key requirements for a licensed security firm was passed (Steden Sarre 2007). Other countries with a relatively low private security to police ratio include Italy, Portugal, Malta, Cyprus and Spain. Most of these countries still make more use of the police officers than private security guards. Nonetheless, the momentous growth of private policing is inevitable and is occurring across the globe. Concerns/controversies over private policing Traditionally, the state has been seen as a monopoly in crime prevention and control (Button 2012). However, evidence has emerged that have raised questions regarding the stateââ¬â¢s monopoly in policing. Evidence have pointed to the increasing ââ¬Ëpluralizationââ¬â¢ or ââ¬Ëfragmentationââ¬â¢ of policing as seen with the increasing involvement of the private sector and voluntary organizations in crime prevention and control. This raises key questions such as: does the state still have a monopoly in policing given the increasing fragmentationOr rather it can be questioned: did it ever have a monopoly given that the fragmentation in policing is not a new phenomenonThe only thing that is new is the increasing fragmentation and the expansion of private security. Whilst the pervasiveness of these private firms may signal the stateââ¬â¢s failure in addressing the most basic demands for security, it should not be viewed as weakening of the stateââ¬â¢s role. It does not necessarily mean that the state is dying but rather diversifying and developing. Encouraging private personnel to become more involved in crime control is to support the stateââ¬â¢s activities by allowing these individuals to become auxiliaries of the state as opposed to becoming rivals (Sarre 2002). Of course, there are concerns with this trend of privatization of policing with the greatest dangers being the subversion of public interests into profit maximization. Another concern relates to the fact that privatization results in more unequal access to protection and security with differential treatment in the provision of security services to the rich and the poor (Stenning 1994). A further danger is that private policing may lead to the erosion of the cherished notions of liberty, human dignity and privacy which may eventually results in an intolerably controlled and regulated society It is clear that the stateââ¬â¢s role is changing. The increasing fragmentation of policing is evidence of a new social world where governance is no longer monopolized by the states, but rather one in which the rein of power is taken over by the private sector. there is a dispersion of power more to the private sector. The hope of many is for governance to be controlled by the local communities. However, the reality is the emergence of a pervasive and intrusive corporate governance where in capital interests become the priority and are more pursued than that the interests of the local communities (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2007). Further, there is the it is the possibility that the state might slowly wither away and that the proliferation of private security firms may pose threat to the stateââ¬â¢s sovereignty. Other problems relate to issues such as the lack of transparency and accountability and political control over the operations of these private firms. The fundamental goal of outsourcing such service is obviously to protect the citizens from harm and against human rights violations. Whereas the outsourcing of security services to private firms is justifiable, it may be subject to violent manipulations. One variant to this manipulation can arise through coercion towards prospective clients by the private security firms with the aim manipulating them to buy into their services. Another maipulation can arise where these firms invite others to commit crime in order to increase demand for their protection. There is a possibility that the private security may also end up creating ââ¬Ësecurity enclavesââ¬â¢ as their availability in the open market allows the wealthy and ruling elites to buy more of their services than the less-priviledged counterparts hence running counter to the social bonds considered essential to security (Karsent Volker 2000). In fact, the so called ââ¬Ësecurity enclavesââ¬â¢ have emerged in the US. This is a clarion call to pay attention to isssues of accountability for attention to paid more on control and accountability especially given the increasing fragmentation and privatization. But, as argued by Les Johnston (1992), some of these concerns are not unique and do not constitute compelling arguments against private policing. For example, the concern over the subversion of public interests into profit maximization is not unique. This concern is also evident with the public police where corruption and political interests have led to public disservice. Criticism of erosion of stateââ¬â¢s sovereignty might not necessarily be true as the private security sectors have often acted under the governmentââ¬â¢s control. For example, Siera Leone is far from entirely private as the government still plays a key role by integrating public forces and setting the legal framework. Future of private security market Nonetheless, there is a clear momentous growth of the private security sector. The massive growth is evidence of expansion of this type of market. In fact, the industryââ¬â¢s global turnover was maintained during the recessionary period indicating the high demand for this type of service across the globe. In 2007, the global security service market was valued at $136 billion and in 2009, it was estimated at $152 billion (Steden Sarre 2007). The future for private security firms seems promising given the increasing demand of security services driven by the rise upsurge in conflicts, war and human right violations across various sectors of the globe. The commercial private security market is currently estimated to be $165 billion and is forecast to grow at a rate of 18% per anum into the foreseeable future. Despite the recent decision made by the US DoD to reduce reliance on support service contractors to pre-9/11 levels, the global market for private security services is anticipated to continue to grow to reach $218.4 billon in 2015 (Tzifakis 2012). However, much of this growth would be mainly concentrated in the emerging economies. What was once a ââ¬Å"quiet revolutionâ⬠has grown in size and demand to become a global actor in in the provision of security services. Conclusion There is no doubt that the privatization of policing has become a reality. This is evident with the proliferation of private security actors across the globe with activities that range from manned guarding to surveillance and risk analysis to even military combat. The increasing fragmentation has clearly been triggered by several key developments: the emergence of neoliberal ideas; second the increasing commodification of security; third, the global assemblages and risk based thinking; fourth, the transformations that took place during the post-cold war period, and the fourth, emergence of the ââ¬Å"privatization revolutionâ⬠. lso, the increased emphasis on specialization of personnel, the geographical fragmentation and the increasing recognition of the role of private sector in global governance have no doubt played a significant role towards this trend. All these processes have been central to the growing fragmentation and globalization of private security. However, these changes have fueled controversies. On the one hand, it has helped secure the transition to democracy by providing for a stronger presence of security forces in states under threat of instability. On the other hand, it has had exclusionary effects by increasing the division between the rich and the poor which in the long-run can be detrimental to its legitimacy. Other concerns highlighted include the subversion of public interests into profit maximization; erosion of cherished notions of liberty, human dignity and privacy; and threat to stateââ¬â¢s sovereignty. In the midst of these changes, states have a greater role to play. With development of more diverse forms of policing, governments have the central responsibility of coordinating and regulating all policing activities, both in the private and public agencies. Government must serve as a central anchor point ensuring multi-agency networking and efficacy, equity and accountability of all agencies, both private and public. Accountability can perhaps be achieved by bringing all the policing practices under the control of democratic institutions such as citizen boards, commissions and ââ¬Ëwatchdogsââ¬â¢ at the local, national, provincial and regional levels. This would ensure equity, efficacy, legitimacy and accountable of all security actors. Reference Abrahamsen, R. and Williams, M., 2009. Security beyond the state: global security assemblages in international politics. International Political Sociology, vol. 3, pp. 1-17 Abrahamsen, R. and Willliams, M.C., 2007. Securing the city: private security companies and non-state authority in global governance International Relations 21(2): 237ââ¬â153 Abrahamsen, R and Michael C., 2006. Security Sector Reform: Bringing the Private In. Africa: Whither the African State. In: Private Security in Africa, edited by S. Gumedze. Pretoria:Institute of Security Studies, pp. 17ââ¬â38 Adams, T.K., 1999. ââ¬ËThe New Mercenaries and the Privatization of Conflictââ¬â¢, Parameters, Summer, pp.103-116. Ericson, R.V. and Kevin D. H., 1997. Policing the Risk Society. Toronto: University of Toronto Press Foucault, M., 1991. ââ¬ËGovernmentalityââ¬â¢, In: Burchell, G., Gordon., C and Miller, P. (eds) The foucault effect: studies in governmentality. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Garland, D., 2001. The Culture of Control. Oxford: Oxford University Press Golsby, M., 1998. Police and private security working together in a co-operative approach to crime prevention and public safety. SRM Australia Pty Ltd Kamensy, J.M., and Thomas J. B., 2004. Collaboration: Using Networks and Partnerships. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Little?eld. Karsent, R. and Volker, S., (Eds.), 2000. Private Organizations in Global Politics. Keku, P. and Akingbade, T., 2003. Industrial Security in Nigeria. Lagos: Authorhouse. Krahmann, E., 2002. Private firms and the new security governance. USA, Cambridge University Press Livingstone, K. and Hart, J., 2003. The wrong arm of the lawPublic images of private security. Policing and Society, vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 159-170 Lock., P., 1999. Africa, military downsizing and the growth in the security industry., Issues in Science and Technology. London: Routledge. Manning, P.K., 2006. The United States of America. In Plural Policing. A Comparative Perspective,. London: Routledge, pp. 98ââ¬â125. Musah, A. and Kayode, F., 2000. Mercenaries: An African Security Dilemma. London: Pluto. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S.J., 2007. Weak States and the Growth of the Private Security Sector in Con?ict, Security and Development 6(1): 1ââ¬â23 Prenzler, T., 2004. The privatization of policing. In Sarre, R and Tomaino, J., (eds) Key issues in criminal justice. Adelaide: Australian Humanities Press, pp.267-296 Sarre, R., 2002. Private police: the future of policing and the broader regulatory framework. University of South Australia Steden, R. and Sarre, R., 2007. The growth of private security: trends in the European Union. Security Journal, vol. 20, pp. 222-235 Stenning, P., 1994. Private policing-some recent myths, developments and trends. {viewed on 14th December 2013} available from http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/proceedings/23/stenning.pdf
Thursday, February 13, 2020
Management Information System Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words
Management Information System - Essay Example Advantages presented by IOS systems Advantages of IOS include: it allows the flow of information in an automated manner between organizations so as to attain the desired supply-chain management system, thus enabling the development of a more competitive organization. Secondly, it forecasts the needs of the client and the delivery of services and products. Thirdly, IOS is helpful in better management of buyer-supplier relationships by incorporating the full depths of the tasks that are linked with the business processes company-wide. By engaging in these activities the organization is able to increase the production rate automatically; thereby, optimizing communication within all levels of a firm as well as between the supplier and the organization. As cited by Haag, Cummings and McCubbrey (26-27) to the other advantages of using IOS include: it reduces the risk in the organization; encourages global communication; overcoming the barriers that are associated with investment; benefits from the exchange of technology; it raises the levels of competitiveness; pursues economies of scale; it reduces the communication cots while at the same time extending the possibilities of coordination; and lastly, benefit from the exchange of technologies. ... The use of the internet in downstream manufacturer and customer brings a number of benefits, for instance, increased productivity, improved profits, and allows the organization to customize their customer services which will improve the overall value and competitive position. The use of the internet upstream of the supply chain leads to increased coordination, movement of goods from the supplier, and communication. Internet use allows the clients to order personalized products. It also makes it possible for the information to be readily available along the distribution chain. The challenges unique to inter-organizational systems On the other hand, the challenges associated with IOS include: data insecurity by intruders hacking into the organizationsââ¬â¢ databases and having access to confidential information in relation to their operations. This would jeopardize the operations of the effected parties. The partners are usually concerned with if their competitors would have access to the information about the business dealings in the organization. Secondly, mismatch of skills for the people that are working in IOS enabled organization. The other challenge is inadequate technology infrastructure. Fourthly, the other challenge is that internal control systems and audit measures for IOS are usually not well developed. This is because it involves a lot of contractual procedures and legal aspect which need to be considered so as to evaluate the risk of information exposure and fraud. The other challenge according to Turban, Volino and Wood (87) found out that in spite of the clear benefits of the supply chain integration, its adoption is not widespread, and has even decreased in some organizations. IOS adoption usually take place as a response
Saturday, February 1, 2020
American History Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 2
American History - Essay Example Uncle Tom was subservient, docile and strongly Christian. He accepted his fate as well as his position as an inferior according to the Bible. Next, we have to understand the political reason behind the decision to abolish slavery in America as a whole. Abraham Lincoln's policy on slavery was simple, it was an economic decision. Slavery was costly and the Southern states of America did not achieve the urbanisation and industrialisation that was apparent on the North. It was reasoned that because of slavery and its costs of maintenance, rapid industrialisation will have difficulty to penetrate the South. For example, the labour of a free African American was cheaper than the cost of maintaining a slave who's health, food, living and treatment must be accounted for. The other reason for the North's decision to stifle slavery in the South was so that they could obtain money from import tariffs. By stifling the cotton industry of the South and allowing cheaper imported cotton the Northern government could profit better. But in addition, it was also seen from the North that there was contempt of the Southern life and its standards. Robert E. Lee once wrote that the Africans who were displaced were better off here than they were in Africa and the pity was to the Southern whites. But he also believed that their slavery was a 'necessary' evil that would educate the Africans Americans even if it was by the hand of the 'plebeian' South. 2. If nothing else, slavery set the South apart, made it unique. How did the institution of slavery operate, and what was its effect on the slave Analyze the organization of the plantation system and the white racial attitudes that underpinned and justified slavery. How did these beliefs bind together planters and non-slaveholders After considering the institution from the slaveholder's point of view, consider how slaves responded to slavery. What effect did it have on their psyche, families, culture, and the like Relevant Material: lecture notes, American History, Chapter 11; Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin The institution of slavery was divided into two, the domestic sphere and the agricultural sphere. The slaves of the domestic sphere's work were concerned with only the family's wellbeing and needs and worked as butlers, servants, cooks, helps and even wet-nurses to the white families' children. The agricultural sphere was concerned with the planting, harvesting, etc. work. Nearing the civil war most of the slaves were already 2nd and 3rd generation African Americans and have been since birth embedded with the slave psyche. They developed an attitude of ignorance and avoidance of the white man. Their life was bleak and hopeless and yet they maintained faith in Christianity as a means of their own salvation. In actuality, their attitude was similar to the peasant and working classes of Europe, accepting the oppression within their lives. As I have said, characters that were represented in
Friday, January 24, 2020
Cannibals and Vampires in Aeschylus and ONeill :: Biography Biographies Essays
Cannibals and Vampires in Aeschylus and O'Neill à Aeschylus and Eugene O'Neill have populated their trilogies with cannibals and vampires. Family members feed off one another both literally and figuratively. For the houses of both Agamemnon and Ezra Mannon, this bloodlust is insatiable and inherited, an inescapable curse. A family curse provides the dramatic force necessary to push characters toward pivotal actions and events. At the conclusion of both trilogies the curse is finally broken (or at the very least supplanted). While O'Neill and Aeschylus articulate the destructive and violent effects of the curse in similar terms, each playwright breaks the curse to achieve distinctly different thematic goals. The curse is described and decentered in order to be critiqued. à à à à à à à à à à à à Both families attempt to consume themselves. A desire for revenge, to enforce a personal code of justice, carries the family curse from generation to generation. The house of Agamemnon is virtually born out of cannibalism. Tantalus, the founder of the house, is tormented eternally in Hades for feeding the gods the flesh of his sons Pelops. Much later, Agamemnon himself is held accountable for his father's cannibalism by Aegisthus. Aegisthus' desire for revenge is overshadowed only by Clytemnestra's thirst for her husband's blood. She speaks of his corpse as a sacrificial animal and likens his blood to wine. Compelled by Apollo, Orestes also carries the curse. He was fed by his mother's milk as a child but now he will only be satisfied with his mother's flesh. Only Orestes and Electra survive. à à à à à à à à à à à à The Mannon family implodes, leaving only one survivor, Lavinia. The Mannon's self destructive hunger has a sexual tension absent in the Greek trilogy. This incestuous obsession reiterates the self perpetuating nature of their legacy of hatred and violence. They too feed off each others' suffering, yet there is an almost symbiotic need for each member to survive. More like vampires than cannibals, they drain their victims slowly over time. However, no Mannon thrives from this practice. As the action of the play unfolds Ezra and Christine are drained and cast aside. Their deaths, coupled with Orin's death which follows, bring greater suffering to Lavinia not release from responsibility as she might have hoped. Like Orestes she is both an agent and a victim of her family's curse. à à à à à à à à à à à à Though achieved by different methods, judgment is passed in each play. The family curse will not claim another generation.
Wednesday, January 15, 2020
Returning to School to Become a Psychiatric Nurse Practitioner
Running head: RETURNING TO SCHOOL TO BECOME A PSYCHIATRIC NURSE 1 Returning to School to Become a Psychiatric Nurse Practitioner Denyse Collins University of South Alabama RETURNING TO SCHOOL TO BECOME A PSYCHIATRIC NURSE Returning to School to Become a Psychiatric Nurse Practitioner Introduction There is great benefit and reward in returning to nursing school. Returning to nursing school has a positive, transformative, and life-changing effect.This essay will explore factors contributing to nurses returning to school, barriers that returning nursing students might face, 2 support required for successful completion, and my plan for a successful outcome in becoming a Psychiatric Nurse Practitioner. Discussion Nursing is a career that continues to demonstrate long-term demand. It can improve job security and provide long-term security. In some Oregon hospitals (I reside in the state of Oregon), the minimal educational requirements for Registered Nurses will soon be the Baccalaureate de gree. Accordingly, the American Association of Colleges of Nursing recognizes the Bachelor of Science degree in nursing as the minimal educational requirement for professional nursing practiceâ⬠(Blais & Hayes, 2011, p. 4). Nurses returning to school learn more about the profession theyââ¬â¢ve chosen. Delightfully, this may result in a change of perspectives of their previously conceived ideas of the meaning of nursing, the world around them, and themselves. Education enhances self-confidence and oneââ¬â¢s sense of purpose. Being able to say, ââ¬Å"I did it! â⬠provides a great sense of accomplishment.In addition, returning to school helps one to improve computer skills, writing ability, and organizational skills. ââ¬Å"Although RNs felt they returned to school as skilled, knowledgeable and professional practitioners, they reported growing beyond their expectations in areas of knowledge and professionalism, which they felt led the to become more effective change ag ents and patient advocatesâ⬠(Orsolini-Hain, p. 1). RETURNING TO SCHOOL TO BECOME A PSYCHIATRIC NURSE 3 Finding the time to devote to school and studies is a major concern for nurses returning to school.Distance-based and on-line programs arenââ¬â¢t easier or less intensive than a traditional school setting. Managing time for study, work, family, self-care, and maintaining a home and garden, can be a real balancing act! Finding money for school may also complicate matters. There are several financial aid sources. Some of these are tuition reimbursement from employers, scholarships, and federal grants and loans. The adage ââ¬Å"it takes a village,â⬠can be (humorously), applied to the support one needs to be successful, in returning to, and completing school.While it is not a requirement of success, having the support of family, friends, professors, and classmates, greatly enhances the educational experience and creates comfort and ease during times of stress. My persona l plan for success in completing the Psychiatric Nurse Practitioner program includes time management and organization in regard to study and preparation, becoming proficient in computer skills as an on-line learner, maintaining self-care, and continuing to take pleasure in the process of returning to school.Conclusion The benefits of returning to school, for a higher nursing degree, are enormous. They are both tangible and intangible. One can improve their status in the job market, attain greater degrees of autonomy, and experience the thrill of knowing one has achieved their dream. Furthering oneââ¬â¢s nursing education enhances oneââ¬â¢s career and nourishes a sense of self-worth and purpose. The end result is enhanced quality of life for oneââ¬â¢s self and oneââ¬â¢s nursing practice, which in turn, benefits others, and ultimately makes the world a little better place.RETURNING TO SCHOOL TO BECOME A PSYCHIATRIC NURSE 4 RETURNING TO SCHOOL TO BECOME A PSYCHIATRIC NURSE References Blais, K. K. , & Hayes, J. S. (2011). Professional nursing practice: Concepts and perspectives (6th ed. ). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Orsolini-Hain, L. (2008). Whatââ¬â¢s all the Fuss? Working towards a Baccalaureate or Graduate Degree in Nursing. Retrieved from http://www. nsna. org/careercenter/fuss. aspx 5
Tuesday, January 7, 2020
Removal of the Cherokee Essay - 1065 Words
In The Cherokee Removal, Perdue and Green show the trials that the Cherokee faced in the years from 1700 to 1840. This book shows how the Americans tried to remove these Indians from the southeastern part of the United States. The Cherokees tried to overcome the attempts of removal, but finally in 1838, they were removed from the area. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;The Cherokees lived in the valleys of rivers that drained the southern Appalachians (Perdue, 1). The British first came into Cherokee country in 1700. They came for two major reasons: deerskins and war captives. They brought guns and ammunition, metal knives, hoes, hatchets, fabrics, kettles, rum, and trinkets. They took the Cherokee and made them slaves. The British built twoâ⬠¦show more contentâ⬠¦Knox hoped to end the fighting between the Cherokees and the Americans that was caused by expansion. Knox, along with George Washington, believed that the Indians were uncivilized. However, this lack of civilization was cultural, not racial. They thought that the Cherokees could become civilized if they were taught how to become civilized. They also believed that the United States should buy the land that the settlers illegally took from the Indians, and strictly obstruct further encroachment. This new system was called the Treaty of Holston (Perdue 11). It went into effect in July 1791. This treaty called for the civilization of the Indians. The civilization program was a major part of this new treaty. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;The Cherokee culture went through some drastic changes. Schools were set up to instruct the Indians. Men farmed instead of hunting. They established some of their own laws. In 1827, the Cherokees wrote a constitution that provided for a bicameral legislature, a chief executive, and a judicial system (Perdue 13). The Americans tried to make the Indians become Christians. They developed their own writing system. They even began to publish their own newspaper called the Cherokee Phoenix (Perdue 14). The Cherokees became more civilized than in the past. The Cherokees tried to become civilized to make their relationship with the Americans better. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;American views on the Indians changed. TheyShow MoreRelatedThe Cherokee Removal Essay1162 Words à |à 5 PagesA long time before this land was called the United States, the Cherokee people used to live in this land in the valleys of rivers that drained the southern Appalachians. These people made their homes, farmed their land, and buried their dead. Also these people, who are now called Indians claimed larger lands. They would use these for hunting deer and gathering material, to live off of. Later these lands were called Virginia and Kentucky. As it is mentioned in the text, these people had their ownRead More The Removal of the Cherokee Essay5749 Words à |à 23 Pagesthe Cherokee nation has haunted the legacy of Andrew Jacksons Presidency. The events that transpired after the implementation of his Indian policy are indeed heinous and continually pose questions of morality for all generations. Ancient Native American tribes were forced from their ancest ral homes in an effort to increase the aggressive expansion of white settlers during the early years of the United States. The most notable removal came after the Indian Removal Act of 1830. The Cherokee, whoseRead MoreCherokee Removal Essay1329 Words à |à 6 PagesThe Cherokee people were forced out of their land because of the settlerââ¬â¢s greed for everything and anything the land had to offer. Many Cherokee even embraced the ââ¬Å"civilization program,â⬠abandoning their own beliefs so that they may be accepted by white settlers. Unfortunately for the Cherokee though, the settlers would never accept them as an equal citizen. A quote from historian Richard White says it very well, ââ¬Å"The Cherokee are probably the most tragic instance of what could have succeededRead MoreCherokee Removal Essays886 Words à |à 4 PagesThe Cherokee role in the American society was an ongoing battle amongst closed minds and sheer ignorance to rights of original land owners. For years the fight over land was the dividing instrument amongst the new citizens of a new, free country and the traditions of the Cherokee people was being pushed back into the west. Since international law said that England had discovered the American colonies, they therefore owned all of the land. That meant that the natives or quot;uncivilizedquot;Read MoreIndian Removal Of The Cherokee Indians991 Words à |à 4 Pagesthey grew stronger. It was a story of hope, courage, and survival. This was the Trail of Tears. Many events led up to the Cherokeeââ¬â¢s removal. The Indian Removal caused the Cherokee indians to move west. A man named Major Ridge struck lots of bargains with the United States. This man, Major Ridge, was one of the native sons, born in 1771, that lived in the Cherokee territory. The Cherokeeââ¬â¢s lived in the Christians Eden because they believe their ancestors once lived in the same area. Throughout MajorRead MoreThe Horrors Behind Cherokee Removal967 Words à |à 4 Pages The Horrors Behind Cherokee Removal The day the colonists first set foot on American soil marked the beginning of an arduous struggle for Native Americans. When the colonists first arrived, there were ten million Native Americans; over the next three centuries, over 90% of the entire population was wiped out due to the white man. The removal of Native Americans marks a humiliating period of United States history. President Andrew Jackson attempted to consolidate the Native Americans when heRead MoreCherokee Trail Of Tears : Removal849 Words à |à 4 PagesCherokee Trail of Tears: Removal: 500 Nations In 1830, congress passed President Andrew Jacksons Indian Removal Act. This policy allowed the United States government to extinguish the Cherokee, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, Seminole and many other tribes title to their land. The Indians had to leave the land and life they had always known in the Southeastern United States behind. This disturbing event was named the Trail of Tears because many Native Americans died during the process of marching toRead MoreThe Cherokee Removal Book Review Essay725 Words à |à 3 PagesThe Cherokee Removal Book Review The Cherokee Removal is a brief history with documents by Theda Perdue and Michael Green. In 1838-1839 the US troops expelled the Cherokee Indians from their ancestral homeland in the Southeast and removed them to the Indian Territory in what is now Oklahoma. The removal of the Cherokees was a product of the demand for land during the growth of cotton agriculture in the Southeast, the discovery of gold on the Cherokees land, and the racial prejudice that manyRead MoreTrail of Tears: the Removal of the Cherokee Nation1747 Words à |à 7 PagesThe old Cherokee nation was a large thriving tribe located in northern Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, and Tennessee, which was a region known as Appalachia. Because of greedy landowners wanting more money, land for themselves and land for their crops, this forced the Cherokees out of their land and into another region. The government, specifically Andrew Jackson, wanted the land because it was land that he ââ¬Å"neededâ⬠. He needed t his land because he felt it would increase the white population andRead MoreCherokee Removal, Part Of The Trail Of Tears2515 Words à |à 11 Pagesà Cherokee removal, part of the Trail of Tears, refers to the forced relocation between 1836 and 1839 of the Cherokee Nation from their lands in Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Alabama to the Indian Territory in the then Western United States, and the resultant deaths along the way and at the end of the movement of an estimated 4000 Cherokee. The Cherokee have come to call the event Nu na da ul tsun yi ; another term is Tlo va sa --both phrases not used at the time
Monday, December 30, 2019
Explaining the Writing Experience Through Metaphors
Writing is like . . . building a house, pulling teeth, pounding a wall, riding a wild horse, conducting an exorcism, throwing a lump of clay on a potters wheel, performing surgery on yourself without anesthesia. When asked to discuss the experience of writing, authors often respond with figurative comparisons. Thats not too surprising. After all, metaphors and similes are the intellectual tools of the serious writer, ways of examining and imagining experiences as well as describing them. Here are 20 figurative explanations that aptly convey theà writing experienceà from famous authors. Bridge BuildingI wanted to try to build a bridge of words between me and that world outside, that world that was so distant and elusive that it seemed unreal.(Richard Wright, American Hunger, 1975)Road BuildingThe maker of a sentence . . . launches out into the infinite and builds a road into Chaos and old Night, and is followed by those who hear him with something of wild, creative delight.(Ralph Waldo Emerson, Journals, December 19, 1834)ExploringWriting is like exploring. . . . As an explorer makes maps of the country he has explored, so a writers works are maps of the country he has explored.(Lawrence Osgood, quoted in Axelrod Coopers Concise Guide to Writing, 2006)Giving Away Loaves and FishesWriting is like giving away the few loaves and fishes one has, trusting that they will multiply in the giving. Once we dare to give away on paper the few thoughts that come to us, we start discovering how much is hidden underneath these thoughts and gradually come in touch with our own ric hes.(Henri Nouwen, Seeds of Hope: A Henri Nouwen Reader, 1997)Opening a ClosetWriting is like opening the closet you havent cleared out in years. You are looking for the ice skates but find the Halloween costumes. Dont start trying on all the costumes right now. You need the ice skates. So find the ice skates. You can go back later and try on all the Halloween costumes.(Michele Weldon, Writing to Save Your Life, 2001)Pounding a WallSometimes writing is difficult. Sometimes writing is like pounding a brick wall with a ball-peen hammer in the hope that the barricade will evolve into a revolving door.(Chuck Klosterman, Eating the Dinosaur, 2009)WoodworkingWriting something is almost as hard as making a table. With both you are working with reality, a material just as hard as wood. Both are full of tricks and techniques. Basically, very little magic and a lot of hard work are involved.(Gabriel Garcà a Mà ¡rquez, The Paris Review Interviews, 1982)Building a HouseIt is helpful to me to pretend that writing is like building a house. I like to go out and watch real building projects and study the faces of the carpenters and masons as they add board after board and brick after brick. It reminds me of how hard it is to do anything really worth doing.(Ellen Gilchrist, Falling Through Space, 1987)MiningWriting is to descend like a miner to the depths of the mine with a lamp on your forehead, a light whose dubious brightness falsifies everything, whose wick is in permanent danger of explosion, whose blinking illumination in the coal dust exhausts and corrodes your eyes.(Blaise Cendrars, Selected Poems, 1979)Laying PipeWhat civilians do not understand--and to a writer, anyone not a writer is a civilian--is that writing is manual labor of the mind: a job, like laying pipe.(John Gregory Dunne, Laying Pipe, 1986)Smoothing Ripples[W]riting is like trying to smooth ripples from water with ones hand--the more I try, the more disturbed things get.(Kij Johnson, The Fox Woman, 20 00)Renewing a WellWriting is like renewing a dried well: at the bottom, mud, muck, dead birds. You clean it out well and leave room for water to spring up again and ascend almost up to the brim so clean that even the children look at their reflections in it.(Luz Pichel, Pieces of Letters From My Bedroom. Writing Bonds: Irish and Galician Contemporary Women Poets, 2009)SurfingDelay is natural to a writer. He is like a surfer--he bides his time, waits for the perfect wave on which to ride in. Delay is instinctive with him. He waits for the surge (of emotion? of strength? of courage?) that will carry him along.(E.B. White, The Paris Review Interviews, 1969)Surfing and GraceWriting a book is a bit like surfing. . . . Most of the time youre waiting. And its quite pleasant, sitting in the water waiting. But you are expecting that the result of a storm over the horizon, in another time zone, usually, days old, will radiate out in the form of waves. And eventually, when they show up, you tu rn around and ride that energy to the shore. Its a lovely thing, feeling that momentum. If youre lucky, its also about grace. As a writer, you roll up to the desk every day, and then you sit there, waiting, in the hope that something will come over the horizon. And then you turn around and ride it, in the form of a story.(Tim Winton, interviewed by Aida Edemariam. The Guardian, June 28, 2008)Swimming Under WaterAll good writing is swimming under water and holding your breath.(F. Scott Fitzgerald, in a letter to his daughter, Scottie)HuntingWriting is like hunting. There are brutally cold afternoons with nothing in sight, only the wind and your breaking heart. Then the moment when you bag something big. The entire process is beyond intoxicating.(Kate Braverman, quoted by Sol Stein in Stein on Writing, 1995)Pulling the Trigger of a GunWriting is like pulling the trigger of a gun; if you are not loaded, nothing happens.(attributed to Henry Seidel Canby)RidingWriting is like trying to r ide a horse which is constantly changing beneath you, Proteus changing while you hang on to him. You have to hang on for dear life, but not hang on so hard that he cant change and finally tell you the truth.(Peter Elbow, Writing Without Teachers, 2nd ed., 1998)DrivingWriting is like driving at night in the fog. You can only see as far as your headlights, but you can make the whole trip that way.(attributed to E.L. Doctorow)WalkingThen wed revise, make the words walk slowly on the slippery trail.(Judith Small, Body of Work. The New Yorker, July 8, 1991)
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